Electoral reform: We know it’s needed, but what should it look like?

This infographic is created by the author.

As one may have predicted, the 2019 federal election once again ignited the long-standing debate on electoral reform in Canada. The Green Party won over 1.1 million votes, but just three seats; the Bloc Quebecois won 3.3 million votes and 32 seats; and the Conservatives won the popular vote but did not form government. The results are a vivid illustration of the NDP and Green Party’s calls for electoral reform. With a minority government and the NDP as a likely partner for the Liberals, electoral reform may be politically feasible in the near future – an opportunity that smaller parties cannot pass up. 

However, electoral reform would leave a defining mark on the country’s political history, as the changes made will not be revisited for decades. Therefore, it is important to explore what electoral reform in Canada might look like, and how it will reflect the political principles that Canadians generally hold dear and want to see reflected in their country’s political process. 

Principles 

Canadians, despite their diverse political viewpoints, generally hold five central values that they wish to see reflected in their political institutions. 

The first principle is respect for regionalism which has always been a fundamental part of Canadian history, premised on the belief that Canadians’ distinct and diverse cultural and historical identities need to be represented in the country’s political institutions. 

The second principle is local representation which is necessitated by Canada’s vast geography. 

The third value is legislative efficiency and stability which is facilitated by the ability of members of Parliament to sit for several years before new elections are called. 

The fourth principle is proportional representation which would offer a more equitable election process. 

Lastly, Canada is finally beginning to embark on a journey towards reconciliation with First Nations, and such efforts should also be reflected in Canada’s democratic institutions. 

Balancing these five principles in the pursuit of electoral reform is a difficult and an important task for policymakers, as accomplishing this would create a truly representative and efficient electoral system. With these principles in mind, the following section envisions a proposal for a new electoral system that could replace the existing first-past-the-post arrangement and better reflect Canadian values. 

The New System

At the core of this envisioned electoral reform is a regional-list proportional representation system, which I believe would do well in striking a balance across the five principles outlined above. A reform of this scale would require a certain degree of creativity with respect to implementation, the details of which are explored in the following sections.

Nomination Elections

Under the proposed system, nomination elections would be held in each sub-district (current ridings) on the same day in which all Canadians over the age of 18 can participate. Here, voters would simply rank their preferences of nominees for each party. This would allow Canadians to vote for who they believe would best represent their local sub-district from each party, not just the party to which they are loyal. Political parties would retain the right to decide who can be a nominee for their party in each sub-district, thereby ensuring that each nominee adheres to the values of their respective party.

General Election

The general election would be changed to a proportional representation system with new voting districts that represent Canada’s distinct regions. To achieve proper regional representation, Canadians would be consulted in the re-districting of existing ridings. The most important change brought by this new system is that it allows constituents to vote for a party, and not just a candidate. Therefore, the new system would institute a three per cent threshold to prevent fringe parties, with sometimes nefarious intentions, from winning seats.

Once the election is over, parties would be granted seats in the House of Commons in accordance with the regional-list proportional representation system. In each district, the party with the highest percentage of the popular vote would be given the first seat. This seat would be given to the sub-district that the party had its highest percentage of votes within the district. The party with the second highest percentage of the popular vote would then fill its first seat under the same method. This would work in a cyclical fashion until all seats are filled. The nominees that won their nomination elections and represented the party that won a seat for their sub-district would become a Members of Parliament.

Virtual Indigenous Districts

Finally, one of the most innovative elements of this system would be the creation of virtual Indigenous districts that provide greater equity and inclusivity in Canada’s electoral system. Similar to the system for New Zealand’s indigenous Māori people, virtual Indigenous districts would be similar to the six regional districts, with sub-districts that better represent First Nations communities. Under this system, voting method and seat allocation processes would be the same as the general elections, however self-identifying Indigenous persons and would be given a special ballot. Prospective representatives would be nominated by Indigenous peoples in their sub-district through the same process as Canada’s regional nomination elections. Importantly, introducing this new form of voting is likely to give rise to Indigenous parties and/or independent parties that better represent the political interests of Indigenous peoples. 

Prospects for Adoption

Canada is facing a pivotal moment in its political history, as popular support for electoral reform continues to build. The ideas outlined above provide a brief illustration of potential reforms that would uphold the values that Canadians wish to see reflected in their democratic institutions. 

Nevertheless, these suggestions are not without their challenges. For example, it would be particularly difficult to gain approval for universal suffrage in nomination elections from the parties’ elite. Nomination elections are a crucial incentive for people to join political parties and depriving parties of this right is a serious obstacle. To have parties shift their stance on this, the Canadian public would need to become much more forthright in its demands for change in the next election cycle. Consequently, for these reforms to be realized, they would need to be publicized and they will require a campaign to gain public support and ultimately pressure political parties to adopt these electoral policies. 

The reforms described above present one pathway towards making Canada’s electoral system fairer and more inclusive. If Canadians are serious about affecting electoral reform in the near future, it is important to start thinking creatively about what a new system might look like, and what values it should reflect.